Showing posts with label Stuart Hall. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Stuart Hall. Show all posts

Tuesday, April 26, 2011

hooks - Reel to Real

hooks, bell. Reel to Real: Race, Class and Sex at the Movies. New York: Routledge, 2009.

Argument
Hollywood suffers from inherent white supremacy, as well as masculine dominance. As a result, it is extremely difficult for films to portray minorities and women in a non-discriminatory way.

Hooks writes approvingly of Stuart Hall's theories on audience viewing, and describes that blacks must find themselves consistently viewing films from an oppositional viewpoint. "When most black people in the United States first had the opportunity to look at film and television, they did so fully aware that the mass media was a system of knowledge and power reproducing and maintaining white supremacy. To stare at the television, or mainstream movies, to engage its images was to engage its negation of black representation. It was the oppositional black gaze that responded to these looking relations by developing an independent black cinema. ...looking was also about contestation and confrontation." 255-6

Hooks also notes the difficulty for black filmmakers in creating a truly radical, revolutionary, oppositional portrayal of blacks. In fact, she credits some white filmmakers with proceeding further into avant-garde experimentation and thus having better success in this area.

Connection
Hooks is an Arnheimian: "Movies make magic. They change things. They take the real and make it into something else right before our very eyes. ... They give the reimagined, reinvented version of the real." 1

She also mentions Stuart Hall (noted above). She complicates Laura Mulvey's discussion of the male gaze, noting that black viewers would have a much more complex reaction to the scopophilic gaze of a white female sex object. She also approvingly mentions Manthia Diawara's theories on the power of the spectator, and the rupture that occurs when the spectator resists "complete identification with the film's discourse." (Diawara's words)

Monday, March 14, 2011

Feuer - Seeing Through the Eighties

Feuer, Jane. Seeing Through the Eighties: Television and Reaganism. Durham: Duke University Press, 1995.

Argument
The contradictions in Reaganism of populism/elitism played out in the television of the period. In fact, the victory of Reaganism in the period came from the fact that left critics of television read programs from Dynasty to thirtysomething as presenting a dominant ideology, when in fact a closer reading reveals contradictions within them. Feuer's examination of these programs reveals a variety of subversive readings existing among fans of these shows. Her conclusion is that the left during the 80s failed to recognize the instability of Reaganism - her book is an attempt to belatedly reveal this instability.

She cautions against dismissing these programs as either "mere entertainment" or purely pro-Reaganism texts. She undermines these hasty assumptions not only with an examination of the shows as texts (within their flow, a la BT), but also looks at the promotional tie-ins and related "nonstory materials."

Nitty Gritty
Dynasty - The common perception which Feuer seeks to undermine places the show as a mere glorification of white heterosexual male excess. In fact, Feuer notes the two demographics that made up the strongest fan base for the show were heterosexual females and homosexual males (whose cultural identity was partly formed out of a co-opting of heterosexual female dress). These groups were attracted to the camp factor of the show's women. Thus, while Dynasty fan parties often saw viewers dressing up in second-hand clothing to mimick the style of the characters, an actual Dynasty consumer line was never a success. Feuer notes that from the very beginning the show's creators were aware of the camp aspect of their show, and thus consciously pursued excess melodrama in their plots. In this way, Dynasty thus became even more popular than its sister-show Dallas.

thirtysomething - Feuer points out that no one ever claimed to be a yuppie; it was a derogatory term for others, and it reflected the way thirtysomething became "the show you love to hate." She suggests the aesthetic of the show is "yuppie guilt," which stretches back to 1983's The Big Chill. It is a contradictory show, though, because even as the characters wrestle with the guilt of their compromised baby-boomer radicalism, they find contentment in the "nuclear family" made up of their social network of friends.

postmodernism - thirtysomething, Moonlighting, Miami Vice, and Max Headroom were declared to be cinematic in various ways and thus followed in the footsteps of ultimately modernist, self-reflexive cinema such as Woody Allen. However, they are postmodern because, as ad-driven TV shows situated within the flow of the medium they are referencing, they are simultaneously complicit with and critical of television.

LA Law - Also provides a yuppie for fans to "love to hate" in Arnie Becker. Feuer uses a sequence that seems to celebrate Arnie's yuppie California lifestyle (fancy apartment, fancy cars, corporate wardrobe) but ends with his secretary Roxanne noting the opposite, dark side of the Cal life, undermining Arnie's claim that life is figured out.

Trauma Drama - Realist made-for-TV dramas of the 80s went through a particular form that mirrored both the geographic and the ideological landscape of Reaganism (Sunbelt, Farm Belt, the west -populism, anti-govt, pro-family)...
  1. Family represents ideal and norm of happy American life
  2. Trauma occurs
  3. Victims/parents seek help through institutions
  4. Institutions fail to help
  5. Victims take matters into their own hands
  6. Join a self-help group or form a grassroots organization
  7. New organization is better than established institutions
  8. Normality is restored
Feuer notes that populism is not inherently right-wing, and raises a few examples of trauma dramas that retain a left-wing criticism.

Connections
Feuer disagrees with John Fiske's formulation of the relationship between politics and entertainment. Rather than merely seeing subordinate groups making a "resistive" reading of the dominant ideology, she sees them making a "subordinate" reading, which may not necessarily please left-wing critics. In an era when all but white male businessmen could be seen to be subordinate to the Reagan hegemony, this would explain how subordinates might read television shows like Dynasty without a resistance to Reaganism.

Interestingly, Feuer notes that the rise of Hall's theories of negotiated and oppositional reading (more broadly, a shift from theories of text to theories of audience) coincided with the Reaganism/Thatcherism hegemony, suggesting a sort of wishful thinking on the part of leftist critics during a period when they felt helpless to influence the production side. Feuer thus historicizes her project, suggesting a "silent majority" (from Jean Baudrillard) powerless to influence the production yet still able to quietly make a resistive reading. (A la Dynasty's camp reading.)

Thursday, January 6, 2011

Hall - Encoding/Decoding

Hall, Stuart. “Encoding/Decoding.” From Durham, Meenakshi Gigi, and Douglas Kellner. Media and Cultural Studies: Keyworks. Malden, Mass: Blackwell Publishers, 2001, 163-173.

Argument
Television communication theory can best be understood through a consideration of the relationship the viewer (decoder) has to the media apparatus (encoder).

Rooted in Marxism, Hall begins with an extensive discussion of semiotic theory, also using Eco and Barthes.

Specifics/Key Terms
  • It is important to recognize the inequality of the positions of encoder and decoder. Thus, the meanings produced by the encoder are not necessarily the meanings understood by the decoder.
  • Misunderstanding - a result of this lack of equivalence
  • The televisual sign is complex, in part because it is composed of both visual and aural signs.
  • iconic sign - a sign that has some of the properties of the thing being represented (Charles Peirce), because it reproduces the conditions of perception in the viewer (Eco).
  • visual sign - an iconic sign, such as the image of a cow on television. It is important to recognize that visual signs are arbitrary to varied degrees.
  • linguistic sign - the word "cow," a much more arbitrary sign.
  • denotation - generally understood to mean the literal meaning of a sign
  • connotation - generally understood to mean less fixed meanings associated with a sign
  • HOWEVER, Hall stresses that this distinction (denotation/connotation) rarely happens in real life
  • Finally, he comes to the climax of his essay: the three hypothetical positions which television discourse is decoded:
  1. dominant-hegemonic - operating inside the dominant code, the viewer is able to take the full and straight meaning. i.e. Members of the ruling elite, members of the profession able to understand professional code.
  2. negotiated position - Most audiences understand what is being signified, acknowledgin the legitimacy of the hegemonic discourse while making exceptions for local conditions. i.e. Corporate positions, laborers who approve of a legislation for national interest while opposing in their own case.
  3. oppositional position - retotalizing of the message in an alternative framework. Don't identify with the message.